Committee for Russian Economic Freedom

The Guardian (UK) reports that Barclays is retreating from the retail banking business in Russia.

Jill Treanor writes that Britain’s third largest bank may recoup just 10 percent of the purchase price for Expobank, the Russian lender it bought for £373 million in March 2008. Barclays is now soliciting bids, at what would be a 90 percent loss, mostly from large Russian banks.

Barclays is one of a growing number of international firms pulling out of consumer banking in Russia. The company’s new CEO, Bob Diamond, made the decision to sell off unprofitable businesses shortly after taking over last year, and Expobank is one division he says needs to go.

Foreign banks have recently had great difficulty finding success in Russian consumer banking . You may recall that HSBC announced in April that it was pulling out of Russia (selling their retail arm to Citi) after just two years. Banco Santander of Spain sold its retail banking business to a firm based in southeastern Russia this past January. This follows the failure of the BP-Rosneft deal and many other failed international business partnerships of the last year. Kremlin observers have mused that as long as the state manipulates the rules of the game — whether by clamping down on entrepreneurs like Khodorkovsky or on the opposition like the People’s Freedom Party — foreign entities should be wary of active participation in Russia’s economy.

At the same time foreign banks are leaving, Russia itself is consolidating its power in the banking sector. State-owned VTB Bank is in the process of fully buying out the Bank of Moscow, though the bad debt on BofM’s balance sheet has forced the Central Bank to bail it out, to the tune of $14.2 billion. But, of course, VTB “does not expect any negative impact on its financial performance to result from this acquisition,” according to a company statement.

In reality, the BofM takeover shows how corrupt and well-connected managers, like those at VTB, can force a hostile takeover of the nation’s fifth largest bank – using state funds and in conflict with state interests. That the VTB takeover story has become a footnote on European financial pages shows, sadly, that we have all just come to expect this behavior from the state.

Over the past week the plug seemed to be pulled on the BP-Rosneft deal, only to have the Kremlin step in and resuscitated it with a deadline extension to the middle of May. Despite government meddling in this case, there have been other signs that President Medvedev has moved further away from Putin’s managed democracy and the rule of law are taking hold.

Pavel Felgenhauer writes in the the Eurasia Daily Monitor

Russia’s tandem rulers – President Dmitry Medvedev and former president and current Prime Minister Vladimir Putin – continue to profess their friendship, but these statements are increasingly unconvincing as the presidential elections that will install a new head of state for six years come closer. In Russia elections are shamelessly rigged and results prearranged by a corrupt bureaucracy, so the nomination of an official candidate is indeed the election per se, while the casting of the popular vote is a public relations exercise, mostly intended to appease foreigners and gain international legitimacy. The present tandem arrangement with Putin as the all-powerful prime minister officially sitting in the backseat with Medvedev performing the role of a largely figurehead president cannot continue much longer, certainly not for another six years, as it is already beginning to visibly crack.

Last year, President Medvedev signed into law that those charged with economic crimes should not have to face severe pre-trial detention, however, Russia’s best known political prisoner Mikhail Khodorkovsky has been in pre-trial detention since the start of his second trial. In an appearance before Russia’s Supreme Court, Khodorkovsky won his detention appeal.

The decision was a moral victory for Khodorkovsky, who was sentenced to remain in prison until 2017 in a December ruling condemned by Western governments and rights groups, but it will not lead to his release.

Are these signs that Medvedev’s power is ascending? Ordering top government officials to step down from their directorships of large Russian owned companies has not drawn comment from Putin, who set up the system. Perhaps this is a glimpse of modernization in action, Medvedev-style.

In London, an injunction prohibiting the share-swap agreement between BP and Rosneft was issued indefinitely. The group Alfa Access Renova (AAR) had an agreement with BP as their investment partner in Russia. BP, still reeling from the Gulf Oil disaster looked to the deal with Rosneft to expand their exploration into the Arctic Circle. BP’s shares have gained 2.6 percent so far this year but still trade well below their value of before the Gulf Oil Spill. The injunction is likely to give AAR more leverage, and money, from any resulting BP-Rosneft deal.

WSJ’s Heard on the Street urged potential investors in Russia to study Kremlinology, the study of the murky underbelly of the Russian government. When BP made the deal with Rosneft, it no doubt received strong support from the Russian government since Igor Sechin is both chairman of Rosneft, deputy prime minister and close confidante of Prime Minister Vladimir Putin. Despite these close ties, the Kremlin has not used its muscle to lean on AAR to forgo their legal battles against BP and Igor Sechin is about to lose his chairmanship at Rosneft.

Despite these and other efforts by President Dmitry Medvedev to make Russia more enticing to foreign investors, critical factors remain:

The country needs to attract more foreign direct investment: It fell 13% to $13.8 billion last year, half the level in 2007. Gross domestic product growth could fall to 2.5% to 3% per year in the next 10 years, compared with 6% to 7% in the last decade unless annual foreign direct investment is ramped up toward $75 billion, investment bank Uralsib forecasts. The government wants foreign investors to participate in a planned $35 billion of state-owned company flotations in the next three years. Industries from farming to oil and gas also need foreign expertise to develop.

…so long as former Yukos boss Mikhail Khodorkovsky languishes in jail, many will be sceptical Russia’s legal system is truly independent. Political risk is the reason Russian equities trade at 9.1 times expected 2011 earnings, a 20% discount to their emerging market peers. It would take a brave Kremlinologist to bet on that gap closing.

Russian politics, Churchill said, is like watching two dogs fighting under a carpet. Lately, however, Russia’s top political dogs have shed the rug and are nipping openly at each other’s heels.

First, Vladimir Putin, the prime minister, likened western military action in Libya to the crusades, before Dmitry Medvedev, the president, told him, in essence, to hold his tongue.

Then, last week, Mr Medvedev ordered ministers to leave the boards of state-controlled companies. That struck at the heart of “Kremlin Inc” – the intertwined political and economic system Mr Putin created. Putin loyalists were affected, including Igor Sechin, a close ally for two decades and linchpin of a planned alliance between Rosneft, the oil company he chairs, and Britain’s BP.

Deep in the corridors of the Kremlin, it is clear the starting gun has been fired for presidential elections just under a year from now. Less clear, with Mr Putin expected to decide which man will be the presidential candidate – and to remain Russia’s most powerful figure, whatever position he holds – is what the dogfights are really about.

They may be an attempt to stimulate interest among Russians who are wearying of tightly controlled politics: Russians are unlikely to erupt into Middle East-style unrest. But a sense of popular disillusionment is adding to nervousness in business and political elites over the looming election, which is stifling domestic investment and contributed to $21bn of capital flight in the first quarter of 2011, despite a buoyant economy.

The jostling may be an attempt to prevent either figure becoming a lame duck. Mr Medvedev’s assertiveness could be a pitch to keep his job or it could be another feint. The Kremlin spent much of 2007, before the last elections, building up the conservative Sergei Ivanov as presidential heir apparent – until Mr Putin chose Mr Medvedev.

Neither side wants to be outdone. Mr Medvedev has positioned himself as the “modernisation” candidate, calling for Russia to develop high-tech industries to reduce reliance on oil. A liberal think-tank, the Institute for Contemporary Development, whose trustees Mr Medvedev chairs, has urged radical reform, including more democracy.

Mr Putin has formed his own task force of freethinking economists, including Vladimir Mau, an academic who worked with post-Soviet reformers Yegor Gaidar and Anatoly Chubais. Their conclusions resemble those presented to the president, minus democratic reform, an area people involved say was kept outside their remit.

Yet the worry for the powers that be is that voters seem jaded. Russian media have reported young professionals emigrating, fleeing the prospect of the same figures remaining in power for years to come.

Opinion polls show support for both men, still high by western standards, has fallen to its lowest for years. The dominant pro-Kremlin United Russia party performed comparatively poorly in regional elections last month.

Pollsters suggest support is waning, above all, among the growing urban middle class, perhaps 15 per cent of the electorate. Blog-reading, property-owning Russians are finally demanding a system responsive to theiraspirations.

A think-tank originally set up by German Gref, Mr Putin’s first economy minister, warned last week of a looming crisis because of the “fast-growing delegitimisation” of today’s leadership among many Russians. The only solution was to introduce more competition and new faces into the system.

The Kremlin has reacted in typical fashion, by toying with turning the shell of a 1990s-era party into a “tame” liberal group that could enter the ossified parliament in elections in December and champion middle-class interests. Talks have reportedly been held with liberal-leaning officials including Igor Shuvalov, a deputy prime minister, about leading the party.

Fringe pro-democracy politicians, outside the Kremlin-approved system, suggest this savvy new middle class would never fall for another “fake” party. They are targeting this electorate themselves.

One leading intellectual, echoing Russians at all levels, agrees that rampant corruption, now at the level of a “kleptocracy”, is a central issue. High natural resource revenues may see the leadership through the next elections, and buy support for a while yet. But within five or six years, he says, “change must come. If it doesn’t come from the top, it will come from below.”

The Financial Times Limited 2011

Russia Profile reported on Medvedev’s speech at Davos to convince world and business leaders that Russia is ready to do business again. However, Tai Adelaja notes that

Despite the horrendous terrorist attacks, experts say the only bug in the president’s ointment is the case of Mikhail Khodorkovsky, the jailed former billionaire head of Yukos Oil, which continues to cast a shadow on the rule of law and leave a negative impact on Russia’s reputation abroad.

Adelaja describes Medvedev’s top ten reasons to invest in Russia. Here are some reasons to disagree.

Number one: Russia has slashed the number of its strategic companies fivefold. It is no secret that Russia experienced record capital outflows in 2010 and despite rising oil prices faces huge budget gaps. The Kremlin as its self interest in mind when it sheds strategic assets. Putin’s government has a history of opening up businesses to investments to allow others to turnaround the company only to come in at the end to take the company away through trumped up taxes and other phantom violations.

Number two: Russia is set to embark on a large-scale sell-off of state assets in efforts to modernize its country. The Russian government is expected to sell $32 billion in assets by 2013. Foreign investors should remember that some of those state assets were acquired by the state through expropriation. Rosneft’s major assets came after the dismantling of Yukos; now Russian officials are asking investors to risk their capital in Russia again.

Number three: President Medvedev said is poised to create a “special sovereign fund” to attract foreign capital. This was written about in an earlier post. With corruption at all levels in Russia continuing to climb, it was a contributor to the attack at the Domodedovo airport on January 24, Russia is now the lowest ranked developing country in Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index. Out of 178 countries, Russia is ranked 154th. With capital leakage out of the Russian economy at all levels, it is clear that the special sovereign fund will be a tool for foreign investors to give money to Russian officials. Prime Minister Putin, the leader of the power tandem, has built himself a $1 billion palace with money milked from the power vertical he created. Below are some pictures, provided by RuLeaks, Russia’s version of WikiLeaks.

For more pictures click on photo.

Reason four: Medvedev reiterated that Russia will refrain from imposing a special tax on banks and the financial sector in an effort to attract addtional capital into the country. Russia needs to do all it can to attract foreign investment. In 2010, $38 billion in capital flight was from not only foreign investors but Russian ones as well seeking higher returns for their investment. The Russian stock market, despite being in the so-called BRIC powerhouse and overweighted in emerging markets indices, has lagged the other countries in performance and carries a 30% discount in valuations from other emerging economies.

Reason five: the Kremlin is pressing ahead with efforts to transform Moscow into one of the top-ten global financial centers as part of a drive to diversify the economy away from energy exports. President Medvedev announed in May 2010 that Alexander Voloshin, chairman of Russia’s metals giant Norilsk Nickel, will be the newest member of a presidential council on financial reform and lead the conversion of Moscow into a global financial powerhouse. As we mentioned in an earlier post, Russia is not yet a member of  International Organization of Securities Commissions (IOSCO), which is a minimum requirement for international financial centers. Of greater concern is why financial centers appear and grow, to efficiently allocate capital. But with even Russian investors shunning their exchange for London, New York or Hong Kong and capital outflows reaching record numbers, it is difficult to see how Moscow can differentiate itself and maintain international market standards.

Reason six: Medvedev reaffirmed Russia’s ambition to join the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). President Medevedev has proven himself to be ambitious in words but lacking in execution. From his anti-corruption commission to fighting the terrorists who attacked the Moscow airport, Medvedev is the more articulate of the leadership tandem, but he is not the one who holds the power. Medevedev recently admitted that there has been no progress in the country’s anti-corruption progress.

Reason seven: Medvedev vowed to continue the implementation of energy efficiency programs, stressing that the state would also enourage more partnerships in the energy sector. Rosneft, the 75% state owned oil producer recently announced partnerships with BP and Exxon Mobil. BP seemed to have learned from their previous scuffles with Russian authorities that political power trumps business ones. So it has decided to leave its long-time Russia partner TNK and $990 million in dividends to join forces with Putin and Igor Sechin at Rosneft.

Reason eight: Russia is presently developing a mechanism that would help it share technology – especially military technology – with other nations.  This seems to be another tactic for selling state assets as the Kremlin tries to find additional sources of capital, even as the price of oil moves past $90 a barrel.

Reason nine: Russia continues to invest heavily in its human resources, including trying to educate future businessmen and officials abroad.  President Medvedev said at Davos, “Our task is to make Russia more attractive to foreign experts to work in.” Expat workers need to remember Yukos and its audit firm, PWC. During the politically motivated second trial of Mikhail Khodorkovsky, PWC officials were pressured by Kremlin officials to rescind their audit certification of oil giant Yukos to prove the prosecutor’s case. 

Reason ten: Russia is also pushing to interest investors in projects related to the development of sports and large athletic events in preparation for the Olympic Games. Russia is hosting the 2014 Winter Games and corruption is roaring its head as the Sochi Winter Games in 2014 is already the most expensive by far. Just today, the constructiion chief for the Sochi Olympics, Taimuraz Bolloyev stepped down as President Medvedev announced fraud investigations.

Zuma Press - Gazprom company worker places a Russian flag on the Nord Stream pipeline last month. The pipeline will run from Russia to Europe.

With the arrival of Ian Bremmer’s new book, “The End of the Free Market: Who Wins the War Between States and Corporations?” the future of the global economy has been set up as an epic battle between state capitalists like China and Russia and free-market capitalists like the US, EU, Japan and Canada.

State capitalists are defined by their domination of strategic assets and creation of wealth that is used to maintain and enrich the political leadership. State capitalists also tilt the marketplace in favor of state-owned companies and put multi-national corporations at a disadvantage through laws and regulations. An example of this from Ian Bremmer in the Wall Street Journal:

In December 2006, the Russian government informed Shell, Mitsubishi and Mitsui that it had revoked their environmental permits as project managers for the $22 billion Sakhalin 2 project, forcing them to halve their respective holdings and give Gazprom, Russia’s natural gas monopoly, a majority stake. This instantly wiped out 2.5% of Shell’s global reserves.

Russia is a model state capitalist as the Kremlin consolidates control over the country’s vast oil and gas reserves and increasingly pressure multi-nationals to sell their companies to state-owned entities. This recently happened with one of BP’s investments in Russia, RUSIA Petroleum.

BP purchased the Kovykta natural gas field back in the early 1990s because of its proximity to China and its enormous reserves. It created a joint venture with local businessmen to create TNK-BP. Before they could make any money, TNK-BP invested hundreds of millions of dollars to develop the infrastructure and pipelines needed to get the Kovykta gas to China.

As the project developed more Russian officials took notice and in 2007 TNK-BP was pressured to sell RUSIA Petroleum to Gazprom, Russia’s state-owned oil and gas company. That same year, the Kremlin passed a law prohibiting private gas exports from Russia, institutionalizing Gazprom’s monopolistic position.

With Gazprom the only buyer of RUSIA Petroleum and government officials dictating not only the pipeline start date but also insisting on a northern, circuitous route, RUSIA Petroleum could not get natural gas to consumers and fell behind on its loan repayments. TNK-BP, which was a creditholder to RUSIA Petroleum, is trying to recoup some of its losses by filing for bankruptcy. It will be seen whether the officials of Russia’s state government give some of TNK-BP’s money back.

Situations such as these make President Dmitry Medvedev’s goal of transforming Moscow into a global financial center and the next Silicon Valley even less likely. Matt Marshall, the only US reporter on a recent venture capitalist tour, was invited to visit Russia as part of the Kremlin’s plan to encourage more foreign direct investment. His critical assessment of Russia’s investment potential is probably not the press the Kremlin was hoping for:

Russia is the sixth-largest economy in the world, but it’s also a country relatively untouched by foreign investors, especially investors in technology. Could Russia potentially be the home of the next massive tech boom?

The short answer is: No way. At least not anytime soon. That’s the conclusion I’ve come to after a week in Moscow, a week in which I took part in the first ever delegation of US venture capital investors to visit Russia.

Now, of course, I’d be delighted if I could report that this Russia is the next India, China or Israel — all places that have seen massive foreign investment in recent years. Russia has among the highest per capita number of students in the world, boasts high levels of mathematics and science education, and being in desperate need of modernization, you’d think Russia would be a gold mine for investors. President Medvedev greeted the delegation, and made clear that technology is needed to diversify from Russian oil, gas and metals — which make up 80 percent of Russia’s total exports. That legacy industry is highly influenced by a group of about 22 so-called oligarchs — many of them exerting their power behind the scenes through corruption. Technology entrepreneurship, if it is fostered, will lead to positive change — there is no question. Everyone agrees.

But investing in Russia can be “insanity.”

The more time I spent in Russia, the more complex the story became (and I’m not the first to say that about Russia). The more I learned — about corruption, the abuses of the courts, the terribly archaic educational system, the choked up traffic, the lack of investment in infrastructure, the cultural penchant for Hobbesian brute leaders, the lack of a truly independent media, and the assassination of journalists when they do show independence — the harder it is for me see a positive short-term future for U.S.-style tech investment for this country.