Committee for Russian Economic Freedom

Tony Avelar/Bloomberg News

News that Goldman Sachs engineered a major stake in Facebook, the world’s most popular social networking website, by Moscow-based investment firm DST Global offers more evidence to support Mikhail Khodorkovsky’s observation in the Washington Post last year that corruption ranks as a leading Russian export.

“The source of the funds used to make the Facebook investment merits further investigation,” said Pavel Ivlev, chairman of the Committee for Russian Economic Freedom. “It’s increasingly clear that money stolen by corrupt Russian officials is being spirited out of the country and invested in legitimate Western businesses.”

Created in 2005, DST is owned by oligarch Alisher Usmanov and Yuri Milner, founder of Russia’s most successful Internet ventures, including Mail.ru.

Usmanov, a native of Uzbekistan, spent six years in an Uzbek prison on a conviction of fraud and embezzlement in the 1980s, charges he says were politically inspired. A Soviet court later dismissed the charges and Usmanov eventually made billions of dollars in the post-Soviet era by managing steel mill subsidiaries for Gazprom before they were spun off as his own businesses.

The record shows that Usmanov’s relationship with Vladimir Putin and other Kremlin leaders has made him one of Russia’s wealthiest men. From his lead role at Gazprom, the state-controlled energy giant that absorbed assets stolen from Khodorkovsky’s Yukos in 2003-2004, to his current company Metalloinvest, Usmanov has made the money he used to invest in Facebook by capitalizing on what former Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov calls “Putin’s capitalism for friends.”

Milner got his start in business working for Khodorkovsky’s bank Menatep, setting up a brokerage and investment arm before leaving in 1997, the Financial Times reported. Officials aligned with the regime later prosecuted former Menatap financial executives and tried to force them to testify falsely against Khodorkovsky. But not Milner, who shifted into investing in the Internet with the backing of Usmanov and others tied to Putin.

Following Khodorkovsky’s conviction last month a second round of trumped up charges, Russian Foreign Ministry spokesman Andrei Nesterenko dismissed protests from leaders in Washington and EU capitals, saying “we expect everyone to mind their own business, both at home and in the international arena.”

Investors in Russia have done just that, “minding their own business” by pulling assets out of the country at an accelerated pace, according to Pavel K. Baev in a post-verdict analysis.

The conviction of Khodorkovsky proves that Prime Minister Putin and not President Medvedev controls Russia and “translates into a re-evaluation of business and personal prospects in a country of self-serving bureaucracy – and into capital flight that increased sharply in the last months of 2010 and is set to reach $25 billion to $30 billion,” Baev wrote.

“Medvedev tries to explain away this worrisome trend by emphasizing the need to improve the investment climate, which in his view “leaves something to be desired; it is bad.” Medvedev has also initiated a package of reforms in economic legislation that should take effect in 2011-12, and quite probably he simply does not understand that the Khodorkovsky case is not a minor setback for the markets, as it was five years ago, but the irrefutable verdict on his “modernization” strategy.” Yet the verdict renders hollow Medvedev’s statements supporting the rule of law and enforceable contracts in Russia.

“Investors in PepsiCo, Morgan Stanley, Facebook should closely question their board members about the prudence of those companies risking capital with the Putin regime given the growing list of major Western companies that have been defrauded by corrupt Russian officials,” Ivlev said. “But more telling are the latest statistics which show that Russian businesses that have benefited from the regime are now eschewing further investments in the country given the lawlessness that they themselves helped promote.”

Serfs

Russian natural resource minister Yuri Trutnev annoucned that TNK-BP’s licence to develop the Kovykta gas field will be handed over to the state, where Gazprom has a natural gas monopoly. Although TNK-BP was in discussions to sell Kovykta to Gazprom for $1 billion, the transaction was never comnpleted and it appears TNK-BP will walk away from Kovykta with nothing.

Details of TNK-BP’s travails are covered in a previous post, but it’s worth rementioning that in 2007 the Kremlin passed a law restricting all gas exports to public entities, yes, Gazprom. Although the recent Reuters article touches upon weakening demand for natural gas, it neglected to mention that Kovykta is located in the eastern Russia and TNK-BP was developing those fields for natural gas export to energy hungry China. According to China’s official news agency Xinhua, China’s natural gas consumption is forecasted to more than double over the next ten years.

President Medvedev’s visit to California’s Silicon Valley last week focused on Russia’s ambition to make Skolkovo into Innovation City. But as a Moscow Times op-ed mentions, the President and the government must restore trust in government procedures and laws of the land. Only through the re-establishment of trust can Russia foster the kind of environment entrepreneurs, engineers and venture capitalists need to create and execute new ideas and projects. As an indication of his commitment, Medvedev signed along with other G20 leaders their commitment to combatting corruption and protecting whistle blowers by creating a committee that will eventually draft rules for all G20 members.

While the Skolkovo project renews debate over the successful path of Russia as a state capitalist country versus democratic capitalist nations, financial commentators have renewed interest in Friedrich Hayek, Nobel Prize winning economist. Counter to John Maynard Keyes who wrote about the importance of governmental intervention, Hayek warned against government intervention as it would lead to serfdom. Having experienced serfdom for centuries prior to 1861, Russia is at a political and economic crossroad. Will Medvedev’s commitment to innovation, rule of law and transparency extend to the coming presidential election in 2012, or will a perceived tainted election redirect Russia’s political and economic path towards greater government control and, serfdom?